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KUWAIT: Election Promotes Democracy Amid Instability*

Analysis by N. Janardhan

DUBAI, May 12 2009 (IPS) - As Kuwaitis prepare to vote for a new parliament on May 16, trends suggest that while elections serve as a reminder of the Gulf country’s democratic traditions, the exercise is unlikely to end the political chaos that it was meant to quell.

After introducing a constitution and parliamentary democracy in 1962 – the first among the Arab Gulf countries – Kuwait’s National Assembly has been dissolved six times. The recent internal political bickering has been a severe strain on the system, with the country witnessing three parliaments and five governments since 2006 – the last one being in power for just two months.

In March, head of state Emir Sabah IV Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah dissolved the 10-month-old Majlis al-Umma following continued tension between the executive and legislative authorities – a symptom that has plagued the country’s development for years.

With neither the contestants – who are ordinary citizens – nor the ruling family willing to compromise and take enduring corrective measures, on- going campaigns indicate that opinions are more divided than they were during the 2008 election, which is likely to yield another fragmented parliament.

But, Bassem Al-Loughani, a media executive, who unsuccessfully contested in two previous elections, feels that dissolutions and elections actually strengthen the political system.

“Repeated elections are certainly more productive than the parliament being under prolonged suspension,” he said, adding that, “the Constitution was formulated after lengthy deliberations to suit the democratic aspirations of the people and the rulers, which should not be diluted.”

“We are bound to gradually learn from our mistakes. This process of trial and error is the best way forward. The region is not ready for radical changes to either subvert nor promote democracy,” Al-Loughani told IPS.

Since political parties are disallowed, several groups that represent business, Salafi, nationalist, tribal, as well as other religious and liberal interests, vye for representation and influence in the parliament. In recent years, the relative decline of the Islamic opposition – which served as a buffer against liberal forces – and the rise of tribalism have put the members of parliament and the ruling family-dominated government at loggerheads.

Although members of parliament have legislative and monitoring powers, they have no influence over the composition of the cabinet, which comprises several ruling-family members and is headed by one as well. However, since MPs can grill ministers and vote them out of office, they have been in direct confrontation with the ruling family.

The recent crisis is also partly blamed on the differences within the ruling family. The prevailing tension has resulted in a volley of insults to the ruling family, including challenging the authority of the emir – which led to the arrest of at least four candidates during the last six weeks.

While dissolving the parliament, the emir accused it of abusing constitutional powers and said he would not “hesitate to take any step to safeguard the country’s security.”

Reacting to the interpretation of the emir initially considering unconstitutionally suspending parliament for a prolonged duration, independent political analyst Ali Jaber Al-Sabah told IPS, “Such a move would have been hasty and counterproductive. The focus should be on correction of the inherent problems in the system, not postponing them indefinitely.”

After the last date for withdrawal of candidates on May 8, only 211 candidates – including 36 members from the dissolved parliament – are left in the fray for the 50 national assembly seats. This is markedly lower than 275 hopefuls last year and over 300 contestants in 2006.

Further, only 16 women remain in the race, the lowest since women were granted political rights in 2005 and allowed to vote and contest in 2006. Though a woman is yet to be directly elected to the national assembly, an average of 27 women contested during the last two elections.

However, despite the Islamist Salafi movement calling for a boycott of women candidates on the grounds that public offices are reserved only for men, observers are hopeful that more than one woman will cross the threshold this time.

In the Kuwaiti system, each of the five constituencies elects 10 members, with each voter casting a maximum of four votes.

The climate of confrontation has led many to question if it is still the ideal democratic example in the region.

In reaction, analyst Al-Sabah, who is also a member of the ruling family, says, “Those who mock the Kuwaiti parliamentary system are not aware of the deep-rooted tradition of democracy in the country. Public participation is so deeply entrenched in the society that even in the absence of formal institutions, the democratic spirit manifests itself vibrantly through various new media channels like Internet, weblogs and short message service.”

Such is the impact of media in Kuwait that at least five television channels were started to specifically cover the election.

Media executive Al-Loughani, also an author of several books in Arabic, including one that translates into English as “Kuwait: Gone with the Wind,” pointed to a controversial solution to the crisis. “The ruling family should abdicate its executive role. The prime ministerial and cabinet posts should be managed by ordinary Kuwaiti citizens who are elected as members of the parliament. The ruling family, whose contributions are recognised and respected, should serve as mere figureheads and perform an advisory role,” Al-Loughani recommended.

This suggestion resonates with demands from many for a new constitution that would make Kuwait a true constitutional state. But it is unlikely that the ruling family would effect any change in the prevailing system of “half democracy” in the near future.

**Not for publication in ITALY.