MOLDOVA: Russia Holds On to Its Satellite

By Claudia Ciobanu Reprint | | Print |

Claudia Ciobanu

BUCHAREST, Sep 5 2007 (IPS) - Moldova&#39s Communist President has been trying to make the country more independent from both Russia and Romania. But Moscow&#39s grip on the former Soviet republic remains strong.

Moldova is a country of 4.3 million people, sandwiched between Romania and Ukraine. Two-thirds of the population is ethnically Romanian. Russians and Ukrainians each represent roughly 13 percent.

The official language, Moldovan, is virtually identical with Romanian. Most people speak Russian, which is the language of communication between the different ethnic groups.

The country was a part of Romania between 1918 and 1939, when it was incorporated into the Soviet Union as a result of a Hitler-Stalin pact. Moldova became independent in 1991.

In 2001, the Communist Party won a sweeping victory in general elections, caused mainly by people&#39s frustration with a decade of ineffectual governing from "democratic forces". President Vladimir Voronin and his party were re-elected in 2005.

While the opposition argued that the Communists would want to increase Moldova&#39s dependency on Russia, Voronin actually embraced a pro-Western discourse and tried to distance the country from Moscow.

In 2003, encouraged by Western powers, Voronin said no to a Russian plan of federalising Moldova, aimed at awarding a high level of autonomy to separatist Transdniester.

Transdniester, a narrow stretch of land east of river Dniester, mainly inhabited by Ukraineans and Russian speakers, has been trying to assert its independence since 1990, but the self-proclaimed republic was never recognised internationally. Russia maintains peacekeeping troops in the region.

Since 2003, relationships between Moldova and Russia have been worsening.

In March 2006, Russia imposed an embargo on wine imports from Moldova. While product safety reasons were invoked, Russia has a reputation for using economic embargos in order to bring satellite countries to order. "There is no doubt Russia has been making use of political blackmail," Iulian Chifu from the Centre for Conflict Resolution in Bucharest told IPS.

Wines are Moldova&#39s main export article, and the ban caused a 6 percent shrinking of the country&#39s industrial production. Approximately 80 percent of Moldovan wine exports go to Russia.

"Moldova is highly dependent on Russia," says Stefan Uratu, president of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Moldova. "The country uses Russian gas and electricity, and Russia represents the most important market for Moldovan exports."

While relations between Chisinau and Moscow have been cooling, Moldova has not been getting any closer to the European Union (EU), which Voronin was counting on. The EU never made any clear statement of interest in Moldovan membership.

However, this has not prevented politicians in Bucharest from unrealistically claiming they could help Moldova enter the EU just like Romania. In reality, since Romania joined the EU Jan. 1, 2007, Moldovans are finding it more difficult to move westward.

The border between Romania and Moldova has become an external border of the EU, which brought about its increased securitisation. Visas for Moldovans wanting to travel to Romania have been introduced.

The visas are supposed to be free. But the online programming system does not function, and people complain that the only way to get a visa application in is by paying bribes. "The first to blame are the corrupted employees of the consulate. I know what I am saying, I have been through this, I lost 400 euro this way," says Cezar Salahor from Moldovan capital Chisinau.

On Aug. 17, Moldova&#39s deputy minister for internal affairs, Valentin Zubic, accused a Romanian official at the consulate in Chisinau of being involved in a criminal scheme for fast-tracking visa applications. Romanian President Traian Basescu retorted that the accusation was a "provocation" from Chisinau.

The visa row can be read as the latest episode in a series of diplomatic incidents between the two countries. The tension is caused primarily by a negative reaction in Chisinau to mixed signals from Romania: some politicians, including President Basescu, say it is possible for the two countries to be united eventually; but most Romanians just want to leave Moldova behind and worry only about their country.

Stefan Uratu proposes another interpretation for the visa row: "The recent diplomatic scandal between Moldova and Romania can be interpreted as another bow that President Voronin makes in front of (Russian President) Vladimir Putin."

"Voronin has understood that his position and that of the Communist Party essentially depend more on Russia than on Romania," Uratu told IPS. "He therefore thinks that, in order to stay in power, he has to win back Putin&#39s support by attacking Romania."

Voronin&#39s popularity at home has been falling abruptly. Local elections in June 2007 brought about a surprising victory for the united anti-Communist opposition: Liberal Dorin Chirtoaca, 29, became the new mayor of Chisinau.

With the 2009 general elections in sight, Voronin has been making efforts to appear in control in front of his electorate. To this end, he has restarted negotiating bilaterally with Putin and with high-ranking Russian officials in Chisinau for resolution of the Transnistrean conflict.

At the end of June, Voronin publicly presented the details of a new proposal of settlement for Transnistria, which could lead to the creation of a federation.

If a federation is created, Transdniester will send 18-19 representatives to the 101-member Chisinau Parliament. By voting Communist, the representatives of Transdniester could lend a decisive hand to Voronin&#39s re-election.