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POLITICS: Rice Picks Neo-Con Champion of Iraq War as Counselor
Analysis by Jim Lobe
WASHINGTON, Mar 2, 2007 (IPS) - In a move that has surprised many foreign policy
analysts here, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has appointed a
prominent neo-conservative hawk and leading champion of the Iraq war to
the post of State Department Counselor.
Eliot A. Cohen, who teaches military history at Johns Hopkins School of
Advanced International Studies (SAIS) here and has also served on the
Pentagon's Defence Policy Board (DPB) since 2001, will take up the
position next month that was left vacant late last year by Rice's
long-time confidant and "realist" thinker, Philip Zelikow.
A close friend and protege of former Secretary of Defence Paul Wolfowitz
and advisory board member of the American Enterprise Institute (AEI),
Cohen most recently led the harsh neo-conservative attack on the
bipartisan Iraq Study Group (ISG), co-chaired by former Secretary of State
James Baker and former Democratic Rep. Lee Hamilton.
Like his fellow-neo-cons, he was particularly scathing about its
recommendations for Washington to directly engage Syria and Iran and
revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace process - recommendations which Rice
herself has explicitly endorsed in the last few weeks.
"This is a group composed, for the most part, of retired eminent public
officials, most with limited or no expertise in the waging or study of
war," Cohen wrote in column entitled "No Way to Win a War", published by
the Wall Street Journal the day after the ISG released its report in early
December.
"A fatuous process yields, necessarily, fatuous results," he went on in a
wholesale dismissal of the relevance of what he called the "Washington
establishment whose wisdom was exaggerated in its heyday, and which has in
any event succumbed to a kind of political-intellectual entropy since the
1960s..."
"Eliot brings a lot to the table in terms of being a counselor, being
somebody who can be an intellectual sounding board for her [Rice]," said
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack in confirming Cohen's
appointment Friday.
Some analysts here, however, said they thought the appointment was
designed instead to reduce or pre-empt criticism from neo-conservatives
and other hawks in and outside the administration for the direction she
hopes to take U.S. policy, particularly in the Middle East. With no
operational responsibilities, the State Department Counselor can be
used - or ignored - at the secretary's discretion.
"Condi may feel she needs to have a neo-con right next to her to protect
her flanks," said Chris Nelson, editor of the widely read Washington
insider newsletter, The Nelson Report. "And, if she's really planning to
put her foot down on the Israelis, which (Washington) will have to do if
it wants to get a real process with the Palestinians underway as part of a
bigger regional deal with the Saudis and Iranians, then a guy like Cohen
up there on the (State Department's) seventh floor who is in on it and can
claim influence on the outcome can help."
"Bringing on Cohen could help inoculate her from criticism by the Cheney
camp," agreed Steven Clemons, director of the American Strategy Programme
at the New America Foundation in a reference to the vice president and the
neo-conservatives and other hawks who surround him. "One of the things
that's been consistent is that Rice never takes Cheney head-on and is very
careful not to take on people who might antagonise him."
In that respect, Cohen is a nearly ideal choice. Like Cheney, Cohen was a
founding member in 1997 of the Project for the New American Century whose
positions on how to prosecute the "war on terror" - including the
invasion of Iraq and cutting ties to the Palestinian Authority (PA) under
Yassir Arafat - he has consistently endorsed.
Although lacking in any regional expertise or policy-making experience,
Cohen has written prolifically in recent years on U.S. policy in the
Middle East.
Cohen first gained national prominence shortly after the 9/11 attacks when
he published a Wall Street Journal column entitled "World War IV" - a
moniker quickly adopted by hard-line neo-cons like former CIA director and
fellow-DPB member James Woolsey, former Commentary editor Norman
Podhoretz, and Center for Security Policy president Frank Gaffney (on
whose board Cohen also sits) - to put Bush's "war on terror" in what he
considered to be the appropriate historical context and to define its
enemy as "militant Islam".
After defeating the Taliban, he argued, Washington should not only "finish
off" Iraq's Saddam Hussein, whom he accused of having "helped al Qaeda",
but also seek to overthrow "the mullahs" in Iran whose replacement by a
"moderate or secular government would be no less important a victory in
this war than the annihilation of (Osama) bin Laden."
In another Journal article in April 2002 when the second Palestinian
intifada was at its height, Cohen, who had just signed a PNAC letter which
called for severing ties to the PA and asserted that "Israel's fight
against terrorism is our fight," argued that proposals to send an
international force that would separate Israeli forces from the
Palestinians were "notāserious". "(T)here are times when well-intentioned
measures can only make matters worse," he warned.
Cohen has also been quick to label critics of Israel and the so-called
"Israel Lobby" in the U.S. as anti-Semites.
"Only a reshuffling of the deck - through the disappearance of Arafat, or
an event, such as the overthrow of Saddam Hussein) that profoundly changes
the mood in the Arab world - will make something approaching truce, let
alone peace, possible," he argued in a favourite pre-Iraq war
neo-conservative theme.
The following summer, Cohen achieved new fame when Bush was photographed
carrying Cohen's just-published book, "Supreme Command", which argued that
the greatest civilian war-time leaders, such as Abraham Lincoln and
Winston Churchill, had a far better strategic sense than their generals.
It was a particularly timely message in the months that preceded the Iraq
war when a surprising number of recently military brass here were voicing
strong reservations about the impending U.S. invasion.
He also became a charter member of the Committee for the Liberation of
Iraq (CLI), an administration-supported group both to lobby for war in
Iraq, largely on behalf of Ahmad Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress (INC).
Indeed, Cohen, like his friend Wolfowitz, was already arguing publicly for
Washington to rely heavily on the INC in any effort to overthrow Hussein
in December 2001.
After the Iraq invasion, however, Cohen became progressively more critical
of the way in which the subsequent occupation and counter-insurgency were
being carried out, although, after a Pentagon-sponsored tour of Iraq that
featured interviews with top U.S. military commanders there, including
Gen. George Casey, last February, he became briefly more optimistic.
"After a wretched start, we have the right people at the top and the right
policies in effect - and even more importantly, the right philosophy
behind it all," he wrote in yet another Journal article entitled "Will We
Persevere?"
Just nine months later, however, he had changed his mind. In the same
article in which he attacked the ISG, he described U.S. difficulties as
"stem(ming) not so much from failures to find the right strategy, as from
an astounding and depressing inability to implement the strategic and
operational choices we have nominally made" - an inability, for example,
"as personal as picking the wrong people for key positionsā"
Still, while admitting in a Vanity Fair interview late last year that U.S.
choices in Iraq range between "bad and awful," Cohen has called for
perseverance and played a key role in selling AEI-hatched plan to add some
30,000 troops to the 140,000 soldiers in Iraq to Bush with whom he met
personally as part of a small group of "surge"-boosters at the White House
in mid-December.
If the surge should fail, however, Cohen's preferred and "most plausible"
option, which he laid out in an October 2006 Journal column titled 'Plan
B', would be a coup d'etat ("which we quietly endorse") that would bring
to power a "junta of military modernizers", a development which, as he
noted himself, would call into question the administration's and Rice's
avowed goal of democratisation.
In any event, he argued in the same column, "American prestige has taken a
hard knock (in Iraq); it will probably take a harder knock, and in ways
that will not be restored without a considerable and successful use of
American military power down the road."
"The tides of Sunni salafism and Iran's distinct combination of messianism
and power politics have not crested, and will not crest without much
greater violence in which we too will be engaged," he asserted.
In a Vanity Fair interview last fall, Cohen said, "I'm pretty grim. I
think we're heading for a very dark world, because the long-term
consequences of this are very large, not just for Iraq, not just for the
region, but globally - for our reputation, for what the Iranians do, all
kinds of stuff."
If Rice's intent was to reassure Cheney and the neo-conservatives that she
is not a captive of the ISG and the "Washington establishment", that
passage alone should do the trick.
(END)
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